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Congressional Quarterly's remarkable recap of Israeli espionage

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Congressional Quarterly (CQ) recently released a startlingly candid analysis of Israeli espionage, including the process of Mossad's seeking "spotters" able to identify members of the Jewish-American community susceptible to recruitment:

Mossad agents also scout for people to help them in the Jewish-American community, he said, based on their religious and political commonality. It's a vast community of potential "spotters," who can point them to other Jewish Americans in government, law, finance and banking who might be susceptible to recruitment, as is the case with potential Chinese and Cuban recruits.

Furthermore, the level of Israeli penetration is so great that many or all trials on the topic may be hamstrung:

A former senior CIA counterintelligence operative believes the [Ben-Ami Kadish] case "will never go to trial, because of all the ugly stuff that would come out" about Israeli activities in the United States. Indeed, Justice Department attorneys have fought to keep "ugly stuff" from emerging in the trial of two officials of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, charged with accepting classified documents from Pentagon official Larry Franklin.

NOTE TO READERS: If you are already aware of pro-Israeli efforts to deflect frank discussions of US geopolitical interests, or are immune to comments critical of Israel, skip down to the full text mirror of the CQ article by Jeff Stein. If you are unfamiliar with Congressional Quarterly or the efforts to stifle debate I submit the next comments are worth the read as a follow-on to Israel was planting malicious chips in US assets before China.

For those unfamiliar with CQ, it is the gold standard in Capitol Hill and congressional reporting, fielding more than 150 reporters and researchers while maintaining substantial databases on both Congress and government. Founded in 1945 by husband-wife team of Nelson and Henrietta Poynter as a explanatory link between newspapers and the opaque operations of DC, Nelson Poynter stated that "government will never set up an adequate agency to check on itself," foundations were "too timid," thus client-driven commercial effort was needed. (Most of CQ's products are subscription based but the espionage item was among the subset flagged for public release.)

One would think, but cannot be certain, that CQ is above reproach from the hyper-Israeli press sentinels of which I have written:

The pro-Israeli HonestReporting is often not, but it is only modestly apologetic in comparison to the Committee for Accuracy in Middle East Reporting in America (CAMERA), the velocity of whose text barely holds onto a claim of legitimacy in presenting an Israeli issue.

A month has elapsed since the CQ National Security Editor, Jeff Stein, released Israel Might Have Many More Spies Here, Officials Say and as of today neither CAMERA or HonestReporting has attacked CQ, Stein or the article so there may be limits after all. If so, it is the first in recent memory. As the UK's Financial Times observed in its 2006 American and Israel:

Reflexes that ordinarily spring automatically to the defence of open debate and free enquiry shut down - at least among much of America's political elite - once the subject turns to Israel, and above all the pro-Israel lobby's role in shaping US foreign policy.

 

Even though policy towards the Middle East is arguably the single biggest determinant of America's reputation in the world, any attempt to rethink this from first principles is politically risky.

 

Examining the specific role of organisations such as the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, commonly considered to be the most effective lobby group in the US apart from the National Rifle Association, is something to be undertaken with caution...

 

Moral blackmail - the fear that any criticism of Israeli policy and US support for it will lead to charges of anti-Semitism - is a powerful disincentive to publish dissenting views. It is also leading to the silencing of policy debate on American university campuses, partly as the result of targeted campaigns against the dissenters...

 

Doctrinal orthodoxy was flouted [in] a paper on the Israel lobby by two of America's leading political scientists, Stephen Walt from Harvard's Kennedy School of Government and John Mearsheimer from the University of Chicago. They argue powerfully that extraordinarily effective lobbying in Washington has led to a political consensus that American and Israeli interests are inseparable and identical.

 

Only a UK publication, the London Review of Books, was prepared to carry their critique, in the same way that it was Prospect, a British monthly journal, that four years ago published a path-breaking study of the Israel lobby by the American analyst, Michael Lind...

The irreverent Texan political commentator, Molly Ivins, observed from our side of the pond:

For having the sheer effrontery to point out the painfully obvious - that there is an Israel lobby in the United States - Mearsheimer and Walt have been accused of being anti-Semitic, nutty and guilty of "kooky academic work." Alan Dershowitz, who seems to be easily upset, went totally ballistic over the mild, academic, not to suggest pretty boring article by Mearsheimer and Walt, calling them "liars" and "bigots."...

 

In the United States, we do not have full-throated, full-throttle debate about Israel. In Israel, they have it as a matter of course, but the truth is that the accusation of anti-Semitism is far too often raised in this country against anyone who criticizes the government of Israel.

 

Being pro-Israel is no defense, as I long ago learned to my cost... It's the sheer disproportion and the vehemence of the denunciations of those perceived as criticizing Israel that make the attacks so odious. Mearsheimer and Walt are both widely respected political scientists - comparing their writing to "The Protocols of the Elders of Zion" is just silly...

That disproportion was demonstrated against a renown economist attempting, at US military request, to estimate the cost of conflict:

A good example was the furor made over Thomas Stauffer's estimation of the cost of conflict of US policy in the Middle East which was disputed by pro-Israeli sources. Stauffer made his initial comments under US Army War College auspices at a conference at the University of Maine but that presentation seemed to be obscure, ultimately yielding only one HTML copy on the web, with a PDF mirror at an appallingly anti-Semitic site. That led to more developed items in Middle East Policy Council (MEPC) and the Middle East Economic Survey (MEES).

Stauffer suffered the same withering criticism as did any source mirroring his conclusions as the very reliable Christian Science Monitor (CSM) found when it attempted to cover the topic.

 

Preface concluded, here is Stein's article: 

Israel Might Have Many More Spies Here, Officials Say

By Jeff Stein, CQ National Security Editor

CQ Homeland Security

Congressional Quarterly Inc.

April 25, 2008 - 8:13 p.m.

The elderly New Jersey man arrested last week on charges of spying for Israel years ago was probably still working for the Jewish state's espionage service in tandem with another, as yet unidentified spy, former American intelligence officials say.

Ben-Ami Kadish, now 84, was employed as a mechanical engineer at a U.S. Army weapons center in New Jersey when he allegedly supplied his Israeli handler with classified military documents, according to charges filed last week.

The handler was named only as "CC-1," or co-conspirator 1, in the criminal complaint. But its description of him as the same man who was handling the notorious Israeli mole Jonathan Pollard all but identified him as Yosef Yagur, formerly the consul for scientific affairs at the Israeli consulate in New York.

Pollard, who gave Yagur thousands of highly classified documents while working as a navy intelligence analyst in the 1980s, is in the 21st year of a life sentence for espionage.

Kadish, who worked at the U.S. Army's Picatinny Arsenal in Dover, N.J., from 1963 to 1990, could also spend the waning years of his life in jail if he is convicted.

A former senior CIA counterintelligence operative believes the case "will never go to trial, because of all the ugly stuff that would come out" about Israeli activities in the United States.

Indeed, Justice Department attorneys have fought to keep "ugly stuff" from emerging in the trial of two officials of the American Israel Public Affairs Committee, or AIPAC, charged with accepting classified documents from Pentagon official Larry Franklin.

But the federal judge in the case has indicated he might not go along with their strategy. Last month Judge Thomas Ellis III indefinitely postponed the trial of AIPAC officials Steven Rosen and Keith Weissman, which was scheduled to open next week.

Neither the United States nor Israel, strategic allies struggling with Middle East terrorism, the war in Iraq and the rising threat of Iran, can afford a breech in relations triggered by either case.

The Justice Department said Kadish brought home briefcases full of classified documents, which "CC-1" photographed in his basement. Among the documents was "restricted data" on nuclear weapons, classified information on a modified F-15 fighter that was sold to an unnamed foreign country (most likely Saudi Arabia), and a document relating to the Patriot anti-missile system, which the United States deployed to Israel during the first Gulf War in 1990.

Yagur fled New York in 1985 as U.S. counterintelligence agents closed in on Pollard. He has not been back since, U.S. officials believe.

They thought that was the end of his espionage operations here.

But Yagur evidently kept in touch with Kadish, exchanging e-mails and telephone calls with him long after he returned to Israel. Kadish went to Israel in 2004 and met with his former spy master, authorities said.

Just last month, on March 20, "CC-1" told Kadish to lie to FBI agents who had questioned him about the documents, according to a wiretap transcript produced by federal prosecutors.

"Don't say anything. Let them say whatever they want. You didn't do anything," CC-1 told Kadish. "What happened 25 years ago? You didn't remember anything."

Ron Olive, the navy investigator in charge of the Pollard case, said he was shocked when he heard about Kadish's arrest.

The description of CC-1 as Pollard's handler meant that "it has to be" Yagur, he said by telephone from Arizona, where he was giving a counterintelligence lecture to federal officials.

"I was like, 'holy cow, this is unbelievable,'" he said.

Olive said the arrest meant that Kadish was still working for Israeli intelligence.

"It means Israel still has an agent in place in the U.S. who can ferret out someone who has access to information they want," Olive said.

One role Kadish could play was as a "spotter," who could size up possible recruits for Israeli intelligence, even while living in a retirement community in Monroe Township, N.J., said Olive and another former federal agent.

"That jumped out at me," said Harry B. "Skip" Brandon, a former deputy assistant director of counterintelligence at the FBI.

"It is very unusual for a former agent handler and his former agent to remain friends. And it's dangerous for both," he added. Any communication between the two, no matter how innocent, raises the risk of detection and exposure.

Other aspects of the case suggest that Jerusalem has at least one, and maybe several more spies embedded in U.S. military services or intelligence agencies: As with Pollard, the Israelis asked Kadish for specific documents, indicating they knew what they were looking for, supplied by another spy.

"You know, it wouldn't surprise me one bit," said Olive, who in 2006 published a memoir about the case, "Capturing Jonathan Pollard: How One of the Most Notorious Spies in American History Was Brought to Justice".

Olive said Pollard stole "360 cubic feet" of classified documents during his six years as an Israeli mole. "It was the most devastating spy case I ever saw," he said. "No other spy in the history of the United States has stolen so many secrets, so highly classified, in such a short period of time."

"No other spy in the history of the United States has stolen so many secrets, so highly classified , in such a short period of time," he said.

There have long been rumors of a "Mr. X," Olive said, "another unknown government employee who had access to information that the Israelis could use."

Israeli intelligence had a spy, code-named MEGA, high up in the Reagan administration at the same time Pollard, and now allegedly Kadish, were stealing documents, according to a Washington Post story years ago that has never been confirmed.

In fact, according to past and present U.S. counterintelligence officials, Israeli agents were so aggressive even after the Pollard case that an FBI counterintelligence boss in the late 1990s, David Szady, summoned Mossad's top official for a tongue lashing.

"Knock it off," Szady said, according to a reliable source on condition of anonymity.

Szady has been pilloried in pro-Israel circles for pursuing the AIPAC case, which many critics say amounts to trumping up espionage charges against officials who were merely engaging in the kind of transaction officials and journalists conduct every day.

But the Israelis here have never stopped practicing the "world's second oldest profession," as espionage is sometimes dubbed, despite years of rote denials, many officials say.

"I guarantee you the same thing is happening now," said Olive, who trains Department of Energy security officials on detecting signs of espionage.

One effective espionage tool is forming joint partnerships with U.S. companies to supply software and other technology products to U.S. government agencies, intelligence officials say.

But Brandon, who retired in the mid-1990s but retains many intelligence contacts for his global security consulting business, says the Israelis are interested in commercial as much as military secrets. They have a muscular technology sector themselves.

"They are always looking for a leg up," he said.

Congress is a major target, too, Brandon said.

"God, they would work the Hill," he said. "They really worked the Hill. They were not necessarily interested in collection [of information] so much as they were in influence."

Influencing Congress is usually the domain of foreign diplomats, he said, but in Israel's case there was "very little distinction between Mossad and the diplomats."

"They were very sharp," he added. "Their best and brightest."

Mossad agents also scout for people to help them in the Jewish-American community, he said, based on their religious and political commonality. It's a vast community of potential "spotters," who can point them to other Jewish Americans in government, law, finance and banking who might be susceptible to recruitment, as is the case with potential Chinese and Cuban recruits.

Or just useful conversation. Israeli agents, Brandon said, are skilled at eliciting information from unwary Jewish Americans in strategically important positions.

"They make you feel good, feel important," he said. "They don't even realize they're giving up something" sensitive, or even classified - until it's too late.

At the same time, U.S. and Israeli intelligence officials have worked hand in glove on numerous fronts since 1948, when the Jewish state was founded.

Mossad had access to Russian Jews who supplied the West with Soviet military, scientific and technical secrets. American and Israel intelligence have always worked closely in counterterrorism.

But they don't tell each other everything, which is why the relationship sometimes veers from friendship to competition.

"They were never, ever allowed in our facilities," says a former CIA officer who was sometimes assigned a liaison role with Israeli counterterrorism agents.

Likewise, when CIA or other U.S. intelligence operatives visited Israel, Israeli security agents would "toss their room," he said, "just to show who's in charge."

Jeff Stein can be reached at jstein@cq.com.

Source: CQ Homeland Security
(c) 2008 Congressional Quarterly Inc. All Rights Reserved.

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In fair disclosure, following is my AIPAC series:

Israel Might Have Many More Spies Here, Officials Say

By Jeff Stein, CQ National Security Editor

CQ Homeland Security

Congressional Quarterly Inc.

April 25, 2008 - 8:13 p.m.

 

Molly Ivins: Pro-Israel 'Nutjobs' on the Attack

By Molly Ivins

TruthDig

Posted on Apr 25, 2006

 

America and Israel

Financial Times

Published: April 1 2006 03:00 | Last updated: April 1 2006 03:00

 

Economist tallies swelling cost of Israel to US

By David R. Francis

Christian Science Monitor

December 09, 2002 edition

Editor's note to Economic tallies

Christian Science Monitor

posted December 16, 2002

 

Gordon Housworth



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